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Though out-of wedlock births in the United States have skyrocketed in the past several decades, the number of babies available for adoption has plunged. Only 1 percent of women with unplanned pregnancies choose adoption. ... The decline in domestic adoptions is lamentable not principally because it denies children to infertile couples, but because it almost universally translates into more unhappy children. ... What is so troubling is to witness every segment of society with influence over young pregnant girls setting them up for trouble. ... It seems doubtful that the stigma against premarital sex will return with its former authority. But at least we can remind girls, at every step of the process, what a wise, unselfish and moral thing it is to place a child for adoption.
Jul. 7, 2000 - from "The baby dearth", published by Creators Syndicate Inc.
When [the stolidity of complacent public attitudes towards government] works against us, as in so many ways it does today, we find the condition of the country infuriating and even dangerous. We are wrong to find it so. We must remember that it has taken 50 (some would say 60) years of creeping liberalism to bring us to the place where a whole group of intelligent and educated people can no longer define a family, or say with certainty what differentiates men and women, or muster a simple argument against teen-age sexual promiscuity or drug use, or discern a difference between heterosexual and homosexual lovemaking, or straightforwardly clarify their views on such subjects as incest, child pornography, or even -- God help us and the teachers' unions -- the abomination that currently travels under the name of 'man-boy love.' Small wonder, then, that they cannot find a decent way through the rather more clouded issues of abortion and assisted suicide. How many years may it take us to climb back up these slippery slopes?
Feb. 09, 1997 - from a collection of essays published under the title "On the Future of Conservatism" by
Is compulsory pregnancy ever justified?
Columbo's New Canadian Quotations
John Robert Columbo
This fall, Canada must submit its regular, five-year report on its compliance with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Despite widespread support for it among the international establishment, the convention is controversial since its provisions would appear to grant governments and international agencies the right to provide sex education, contraceptives, abortion counselling and abortions, and sexual orientation counselling to minor children, even if the children's parent object.
Aug. 30, 1999 - from "Playing with the world's agenda", published in the
Charter of Rights and Freedoms
, a by-product of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's 1982 patriation package, fundamentally changed 115 years of Canadian constitutional history. Essentially, the Charter meant a shift from a system of parliamentary supremacy to one of constitutional supremacy. Since April 17, 1982, it is the Charter of Rights, not parliament, which is sovereign, "the supreme law of the land", to use the language of section 52 of the Constitution Act. The Canadian electorate still goes to the polls quadrennially, but it is now judges, not legislators, who decide such important issues of public policy as abortion, euthanasia, and even the legitimacy of Quebec secession.
Nov. 1998 -
from "From Christian Virtues to Judicial Values", his George Goth Memorial Lecture
When Canadians allow fundamental issues of public policy -- such as abortion, euthanasia, or whether possession of child pornography should be a crime -- to be decided by courts, rather than by Parliament, they are shrugging off the perhaps now irksome burden of self-government. At bottom, democracy is anti-authoritarian, not because it arrives at correct, or even principled, conclusions, but because it imposes on everyone the burden of thinking and deciding for oneself. How much easier to allow the nine philosopher-kings on the Supreme Court of Canada to think and decide for us.
Feb. 23, 1999 - from "Democracy and its discontents", published in the
From Regina v. Morgentaler (Jan. 28, 1988), when at the stroke of a judicial pen Canada had no abortion law, to this day, the Supreme Court has reduced moral issues to consumer choices...
Jan. 01, 1998 - quoted in an interview published in
, an online journal
You cannot distinguish between the life of the unborn and the born, there's no biological cut-off date. The difference between killing unborn children and killing your neighbour may only be a distinction in time.
Columbo's New Canadian Quotations
John Robert Columbo
Lichter, S. Robert
Today's leading journalists are politically liberal and alienated from traditional norms and institutions. . . . Yet theirs is not the New Deal liberalism of the underprivileged, but the contemporary social liberalism of the urban sophisticate. . . . They differ most from the general public. . . on the divisive social issues that have emerged since the 1960s -- abortion, gay rights, affirmative action, et cetera. . . . They would like to strip traditional powerbrokers of their influence and empower black leaders, consumer groups, intellectuals, and ... the media.
1990 - from
The Media Elite
Mulroney, Martin Brian
[After a televised debate on women's issues] How did you like my courageous silence on abortion?
Aug. 15, 1984 - quoted by Michael Gratton in
So, What Are The Boys Saying?
In the past thirty years, American judges have desegregated the entire school system; ordered the release of hundreds of violent criminals from allegedly overcrowded prisons; levied taxes in order to increase educational spending; removed a legislative prohibition on ethnic and gender quotas and then made such quotas mandatory; redrawn electoral boundaries and then laid down the rules for drawing them up in future; set aside the laws of fifty states on abortion by making it a federal civil right; declared nude dancing to be protected speech under the First Amendment ('What,' I always wonder, 'is the girl saying?'); compelled local authorities to put low-income housing in middle-class areas; and much, much else that was formerly thought to be in the domain of electoral politics.
Feb. 16, 1999 - from his lecture to the Centre for Policy Studies in London, England
Many observers mistakenly believe that the abortion issue gave rise to the Religious Right. In fact the spark that ignited the modern pro-family movement was the fear of increased government regulation of church schools. When the government begins to threaten their children, evangelicals will pour into the civic arena like a flood, albeit reluctantly.
1993 - from his essay in
, Summer, 1993
The permissibility of abortion, and the limitations upon it, are to be resolved like most important questions in our democracy: by citizens trying to persuade one another and then voting. ... The Court is correct in adding the qualification that this 'assumes a state of affairs in which the choice does not intrude upon a protected liberty' ... [N]o government official is "tempted" to place restraints upon his own freedom of action, which is why Lord Acton did not say "Power tends to purify." The [Supreme] Court's temptation is in the quite opposite and more natural direction--towards systematically eliminating checks upon its own power; and it succumbs.
Jun. 29, 1992 - from his partially dissenting opinion in
Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania vs Robert P. Casey
Whether you have an abortion, what you put in your own body, with whom you have sex - these are not the affairs of the state. A government does not exist to control the citizens. When it does, it is a tyranny, and must be fought.
[The judgement against operators of the anti-abortion Web site
The Nuremberg Files
] The verdict ... acutely illustrates the way society blurs the distinction between morality and legality. Not everything which we find shockingly immoral is, or should be, illegal. In the case of a decision assigning liability for pure speech -- for that is all a web page is -- more consideration should have been given to the goals of the first amendment, and the precedents already established in free speech law.
Feb. 15, 1999 - from "Anti-abortion web site shut down in civil suit", published in
The Ethical Spectacle
In 1967 the abortion laws in [England] were liberalised and we were all assured that this would not lead to abortion on demand or a decline in respect for unborn life or pressure on medical staff to become involved in abortion against their conscience. Five million abortions later those claims look hollow. It was the same with the divorce laws in 1969. We were told liberalisation would not lead to the breakdown of the institution of marriage or to widespread divorce and now forty per cent of marriages end in divorce. ... The issue here is not whether one thinks it a good or bad thing that these have been the effects of those laws; rather the issue is that quite undeniably the effects were not foreseen. For that reason l believe that if we were to legalise voluntary euthanasia then, no matter how tightly the law was framed, in ten years time no Granny would be safe.
1998 - from the introduction to the
Inner Temple Year Book