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76 of 6,095 quotations related to Tradition

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Archbishop Wulfstan
There is also a need that each should understand where he came from and what he is -- and what will become of him.

quoted in The Year 1000 by Robert Lacy and Danny Danziger, Little, Brown and Co.
Arendt, Hannah
Our tradition of political thought had its definite beginning in the teachings of Plato and Aristotle. I believe it came to a no less definite end in the theories of Karl Marx.

Bailey, David H.
Police budgeting represents the triumph of organizational process over rational decision making. Police resources are allocated by police managers according to formulas, institutional traditions, tacit understandings and contract rules, all of which have little to do with public safety. It is fair to say that the major determinants of police allocations are not considerations of community safety at all but organizational convenience and worker morale.

Barzun, Jacques
I [want] people who [have] been seduced away from our heritage by all sorts of words like "modernism" and "postmodernism," and "the end of the European age," to come back to what has made us what we are, with the sense of not only continuity, but continuous change, and then to view the state to which those changes have brought us.

Oct. 13, 2000 - from an interview by Roger Gatham in the Austin Chronicle
Bennett, William J.
...many bad ideas are being put into widespread circulation. It is said that private character has virtually no impact on governing character... that moral authority is defined solely by how well a president deals with public policy matters; ...that lies about sex, even under oath, don't really matter; that we shouldn't be 'judgmental'; that it is inappropriate to make preliminary judgments about the president's conduct because he [wasn't] found guilty in a court of law; and so forth. If these arguments... become the coin of the public realm we will have validated them, and we will come to rue the day we did. These arguments define us down; they assume a lower common denominator of behavior and leadership than we ... ought to accept. And if we do accept it, we will have committed an unthinking act of moral and intellectual disarmament. In the realm of ... ideals and the great tradition of public debate, the high ground will have been lost. ...the arguments invoked by Bill Clinton and his defenders represent an assault on American ideals.

Oct. 01, 1998 - from Death of Outrage: Bill Clinton and the Assault on American Ideals
Berger, Peter L.
Intellectuals do aspire to Enlightenment ideals progress, reason, scientific truth, humanistic values. But they also desire at least some of the traditional virtues that modernity has undermined collective solidarity, transcendence of individualism, and, last but not least, moral certainty and ultimate meaning. Marxism has plausibly offered this curious melange of modern and counter-modern appeals from its inception. It should not surprise that intellectuals have been particularly prone to go for it.

1987 - from The Capitalist Revolution, Gower, Aldershot
Blake, Lord Robert
The Conservatives should never disregard political and social reform, but if there is any lesson to be learnt from history, I believe it is that the party cannot expect to win success by outbidding the radicals. This merely muddles the Conservative Party's traditional supporters and it does not actually capture the radical vote.

Brooks, William  
... by the late nineteenth century, the classical curriculum of the British grammar school, imported in the early years of colonial North America, gave way to the ideas of European social revolutionaries like Rousseau, Pestalozzi, Herbart and Froebels. These philosophers changed our perception of the school's purpose, slowly eroding the traditional concentration on formal literacy and the acquisition of knowledge, and giving way to an increasing concern with the methods of teaching and the interests of the child.

Jan. 1994 - from "Was Dewey a Marxist?", published by The St. Lawrence Institute for the Advancement of Learning
Burke, Edmund
The state includes the dead, the living, and the coming generations.

People will not look forward to posterity who never look backward to their ancestors.

1790 - from Reflections on the Revolution in France



[Revolutionaries] With them it is a sufficient motive to destroy an old scheme because it is old. As to the new one, they are in no sort of fear with regard to the duration of a new building run up in haste; because duration is no object to those who think little or nothing has been done before their time.

Chesterton, Gilbert K.
When you break the big laws, you do not get freedom; you do not even get anarchy. You get the small laws.

Jul. 29, 1905 - from a column in the London Daily News
Tradition means giving votes to the most obscure of all classes, our ancestors. It is the democracy of the dead. Tradition refuses to submit to the small and arrogant oligarchy of those who merely happen to be walking about. All democrats object to men being disqualified by the accident of birth; tradition objects to their being disqualified by the accident of death.

1908 - from Orthodoxy
Churchill, Sir Winston
The farther backward you can look, the farther forward you are likely to see.

Without tradition, art is a flock of sheep without a shepherd. Without innovation, it is a corpse.

A love for tradition has never weakened a nation, indeed it has strengthened nations in their hour of peril.

Coolidge, Calvin
[The successes of democratic government] have been secured by a constant and enlightened effort marked by many sacrifices and extending over many generations. We can not continue these brilliant successes in the future, unless we continue to learn from the past. It is necessary to keep the former experiences of our country both at home and abroad continually before us, if we are to have any science of government. If we wish to erect new structures, we must have a definite knowledge of the old foundations. We must realize that human nature is about the most constant thing in the universe and that the essentials of human relationship do not change. We must frequently take our bearings from these fixed stars of our political firmament if we expect to hold a true course. If we examine carefully what we have done, we can determine the more accurately what we can do.

Mar. 4, 1925 - from his Inaugural Address
Davidson, Donald
'You cannot turn the clock back!' is the commonest taunt of our day. It always emerges as the clinching argument that any modernist offers any traditionalist when the question is: 'What shall we do now?' But it is not really an argument. It is a taunt intended to discredit the traditionalist by stigmatizing him a traitor to an idea of progress that is assumed as utterly valid and generally accepted. The aim is, furthermore, to poison the traditionalist's own mind and disturb his self-confidence by the insinuation that he is a laggard in the world's great procession. His faith in an established good is made to seem nostalgic devotion to a mere phantom of the buried past. His opposition to the new-no matter how ill-advised, inartistic, destructive, or immoral that new may be-is defined as a quixotic defiance of the Inevitable. To use a term invented by Arnold J. Toynbee, he is an Archaist. By definition, he is therefore doomed.

1957 - from Still Rebels, Still Yankees
Diefenbaker, John George  
There can be no dedication to Canada's future without a knowledge of its past.

Oct. 9, 1964 - quoted in the Toronto Star newspaper
Eisenhower, Dwight D.
Things are more like they are now than they ever were before.




Eliot, Thomas Stearns
A political tradition in which the doctrinaire dominates the man of action, and a tradition in which political philosophy is formulated or re-codified to suit the requirements and justify the conduct of a ruling clique, may be equally disastrous.

from his lecture "The Literature of Politics"
By destroying traditional social habits of the people, by dissolving their natural collective consciousness into individual constituents, by licensing the opinions of the most foolish, by substituting instruction for education, by encouraging cleverness rather than wisdom, the upstart rather than the qualified, by fostering a notion of getting on to which the alternative is a hopeless apathy, Liberalism can prepare the way for that which is its own negation: the artificial, mechanized or brutalized control which is a desperate remedy for its chaos ... Out of Liberalism itself come philosophies which deny it.

1940 - from The Idea of a Christian Society
Fonte, John
At the end of the day, the progressive paradigm of group rights and equality of condition is a utopian construct that is incompatible with the traditional liberal democratic worldview of individual rights, equality of citizenship, and constitutional self-government grounded on an empirically based reason and a realistic concept of human nature. The conflict between the liberty party and the progressive party (as [Alexis de] Tocqueville predicted) will determine the ultimate fate of democracy, equality and liberty.

Jun. 19, 1999 - from his essay "Back to the future", published in the National Post newspaper, Toronto
Increasingly Western elites are calling for an expansion of the meaning of democracy. In Canada, McGill University philosopher Charles Taylor deplores 'the dynamics of democratic exclusion' and calls for a modification of the 'reigning formula' of traditional liberal democracy by recognizing the cultures and perspectives of minorities, women and immigrants as the basis for a new vision. In America, a leading educator, James Banks, declares that 'to create an authentic democratic unum with moral authority and perceived legitimacy, the pluribus (diverse peoples) must negotiate and share power.' ... What is going on here?

Jun. 19, 1999 - from his essay "Back to the future", published in the National Post newspaper, Toronto
Gingrich, Newt
We have 6,000 years of written historical experience in the Judeo-Christian tradition. We know the rules that work. We know that learning, study, working, saving, and commitment are vital. That is why Republicans would replace welfare with work.

1992 - from a speech to the Republican convention
Granatstein, J.L.  
The values and traditions of Canadian life should be force-fed to [immigrants]; history should be explained in ways that demonstrate how and why we have regularly settled our disputes without force, how our political system has functioned, and why we have on many occasions gone to war or joined alliances, not for aggressive reasons, but to protect our democratic ideals. Those are the reasons immigrants come here, after all. But do we teach this past to our newcomers? Not a chance. ... Instead the history that is taught focuses on Canada's many sins: Canadian racism, Canadian sexism, Canadian abuses of human and civil rights - these are all studied at length in a well-intentioned, but misguided, attempt to educate children about the need for tolerance.

Aug. 28, 1999 - from "A politically correct history leads to a distorted past and a bleak future", published in the National Post newspaper
Hand, Learned
Convention is like the shell to the chick, a protection till he is strong enough to break it through.

1927 - quoting "a wise man" in his essay "The Preservation of Personality", found in The Spirit of Liberty
Hanson, Virginia
We must determine whether we really want freedom - whether we are willing to dare the perils of... rebirth... For we never take a step forward without surrendering something that we may have held dear, without dying to that which has been.

Henry, William A.
Many of the new critics (of liberal-arts education) have a hostile view of traditional scholarship and seem to judge ideas by their 'political correctness' - that is, on the basis of whom they may offend.

Apr. 01, 1991
Huntington, Samuel
The impulse to conservatism comes from the social challenge before the theorist, not the intellectual tradition behind him. Men are driven to conservatism by the shock of events, by the horrible feeling that a society or an institution which they have approved of or taken for granted ... may suddenly cease to exist.

from his essay "Conservatism as an Ideology", published in American Political Science Review



Hutchins, Robert Maynard
To put an end to the spirit of inquiry that has characterized the West it is not necessary to burn the books. All we have to do is to leave them unread for a few generations. On the other hand, the revival of interest in these books from time to time throughout history has provided the West with new drive and creativeness. Great books have salvaged, preserved, and transmitted the tradition on many occasions similar to our own.

1952 - from "The Tradition of the West", published in The Great Conversation: The Substance of a Liberal Eduation, Encyclopedia Britannica
Huxley, Thomas Henry
Ancient traditions, when tested by the severe processes of modern investigations, commonly enough fade away into mere dreams: but it is singular how often the dream turns out to have been a half-waking one, presaging a reality.

1894 - from Collected Essays VII: Man's Place in Nature
Johnson, Paul
The family is essentially a protective force, and not least against the claims of the state. It is an area of private custom, as opposed to public law. It is an alternative to the state as a focus of loyalty, and thus a humanizing force in society. Unlike the state, it upholds non-material values - makes them paramount, indeed. It repudiates the exclusive claims of realpolitik. ... The family, in fact, is a gentle ideology in itself, because it is inconcievable without a system of morality based on altruism. The family embraces tradition rather than fashionable dogma. It upholds a balance of rights and responsibilities, and not merely within generations: it insists on respect for the past, and concern for the future.

1985 - quoted in The Pick of Paul Johnson
America's federal experience, it is true, was bedeviled by slavery and race, two factors which do not divide the Europeans. As against this, however, Americans had overwhelming compensatory advantages in building a continental federation: a common language and literature, a common political culture and law; for the most part a common religion; even shared inspirational texts, such as Locke's Second Treatise on Civil Government; and, not least, a common Anglo-Saxon tradition of pragmatism and compromise.

Aug. 1992 - from an essay in Commentary Magazine
Jonas, George  
Media fashions may be changing, but several Canadian prisoners of gender politics are still in jail. To this day people wonder how could Germans, a highly civilized people, surrender the best traditions of their society to the pseudo-scientific ravings of Nazi zealots. Perhaps we should wonder no more. We, too, have surrendered some of our legal system to pseudo-scientific ravings. Luckily, our victims number only hundreds, not millions, and most are still alive. We can yet repair the damage.

May 4, 1998 - from "Hysterical lies of the mind", published in the Toronto Sun
I'm part of Canada's 'multicultural reality.' I can confidently say that the immigrants I've known ­ and I have known many ­ had no difficulty swearing an oath of loyalty to the Queen. On the contrary. We came to Canada precisely because we liked, and wanted to adopt, the tradition that the Queen symbolized to us: Individual freedom, liberal democracy and the rule of law. It was indeed a 'British' tradition, because... it existed in few places outside of Great Britain and countries that have elected to model their systems after the best British institutions.

Aug. 1, 1999 - from "May the Queen preserve us", published in the Montreal Gazette newspaper
[Former liberal prime minister of Canada Pierre Elliot] Trudeau suffered from the same statist illusions that affected some of the finest minds of our century. Certain errors require high IQ's. In our times many clever people became mesmerized with the notion that socialism (or at least a form of corporate statism) was the wave of the future. Mr. Trudeau was no exception. He was deeply suspicious of some European traditions, especially the homogenous nation-state, but quite open to many of Europe's most baneful influences, from leftish fads to autocracy.

Oct. 18, 1999 - from "Left wing, charming, and wrong", published in the National Post newspaper
Kassian, Mary A.
Canadian Supreme Court justice Bertha Wilson, in a speech to the Osgoode Hall Law School in February of 1990, called for the transformation of the law along feminist principles and for the reeducation of her male colleagues in summer schools on sexism. She endorsed the idea, proposed by second-phase feminist philosophers, that women are more caring and inherently 'nicer' than men, and that they are less concerned than men with abstract notions of justice, less preoccupied with what is 'right' and 'wrong,' and hence less inclined to separate their feelings from their thinking. She went on to chastise her fellow judges for relying too much on the evidence of a case instead of entering 'into the skin of the litigant and making his or her experience part of your experience and only when you have done that, to judge.' According to Wilson, a woman who had suffered at the hands of a particular man could not readily be judged as guilty in the murder of that man. The implications of these feminist notions are radical and drastic to the traditional practice of law and justice, and yet they hardly met a raised eyebrow. Little public debate resulted, just a praising article in a leading national newspaper.

1992 - from The Feminist Gospel: The Movement to Unite Feminism with the Church, Crossway Books, Wheaton IL
Kimball, Roger
The unthinking animus against Western culture in our colleges and universities is something that is comic in a way, because these are beneficiaries of the Western tradition who, in ... most other traditions, wouldn't be allowed to voice criticism of their dominant culture. ... But it's also deeply and disturbingly ironic because they don't seem to realize that the achievements of our culture are ... fragile and can be disrupted and undermined in ways which they would not like at all if what they advocated really came about.

Aug. 12, 1990 - from an interview on Booknotes, a program on C-SPAN television
Kirk, Russell
The intelligent conservative combines a disposition to preserve with an ability to reform.

from The Intelligent Woman's Guide to Conservatism



Second, the conservative adheres to custom, convention, and continuity.

1993 - from "Ten Conservative Principles", in the second chapter of The Politics of Prudence
Third, conservatives believe in what may be called the principle of prescription. ... Conservatives sense that modern people are dwarfs on the shoulders of giants, able to see farther than their ancestors only because of the great stature of those who have preceded us in time.

1993 - from "Ten Conservative Principles", in the second chapter of The Politics of Prudence
Kristol, Irving
Business ethics, in any civilization, is properly defined by moral and religious traditions, and it is a confession of moral bankruptcy to assert that what the law does not explicitly prohibit is therefore morally permissible.

People need religion. It's a vehicle for a moral tradition. A crucial role. Nothing can take its place.

from Two Cheers for Capitalism
[The country's founders] understood that republican self-government could not exist if humanity did not possess ... the traditional 'republican virtues' of self-control, self-reliance, and a disinterested concern for the public good.

from Reflections of a Neo-Conservative
Kuhn, Thomas S.
The transition from a paradigm in crisis to a new one from which a new tradition of normal science can emerge is far from a cumulative process ... Rather it is a reconstruction of the field from new fundamentals, a reconstruction that changes some of the field's most elementary theoretical generalizations...

1962 - from The Structure of Scientific Revolutions
L'Amour, Louis
... even a rebel grows old, and sometimes wiser. He finds the things he rebelled against are now the things he must defend against newer rebels...

1984 - from The Walking Drum
Laskin, Bora  
... how foreign to our constitutional traditions, to our constitutional law and to our conceptions of judicial review [is] any interference by a Court with the substantive content of legislation.

quoted in "Robed dictators", by Rory Leishman, published in The Next City Magazine
Lichter, S. Robert
Today's leading journalists are politically liberal and alienated from traditional norms and institutions. . . . Yet theirs is not the New Deal liberalism of the underprivileged, but the contemporary social liberalism of the urban sophisticate. . . . They differ most from the general public. . . on the divisive social issues that have emerged since the 1960s -- abortion, gay rights, affirmative action, et cetera. . . . They would like to strip traditional powerbrokers of their influence and empower black leaders, consumer groups, intellectuals, and ... the media.

1990 - from The Media Elite
Lowell, James Russell
Our American republic will endure only as long as the ideas of the men who founded it continue dominant.




Mathematically Correct
The impending changes in mathematics education are not based on any change in the mathematics that has been developed over thousands of years. Rather, they are based on a cluster of notions from teaching philosophy and a desire to implement them all at once. The driving force behind these changes is dissatisfaction with the continued declines in the achievement of American students, coupled with the idea that a set of goals should be developed that all students can attain. The position taken is that poor math achievement is the result of the traditional curriculum and the way it has been implemented by teachers. The fact that math education in countries with high levels of achievement does not look like these new programs, but rather like intensified versions of our own traditional programs, is never addressed.

Maugham, W. Somerset
Tradition is a guide and not a jailer.

McElroy, Wendy  
Sexual correctness is a dogma that permits no dissent. Gender feminists have no scruples about silencing and dismissing the voices of women who disagree. Thus - though individualist feminism is a rich tradition with deep roots in American history - it is virtually ignored.

Moore, Charles W.  
Striking a balance is often a necessary thing in politics, and Tories are justly proud of their capacity to do it. According to traditional caricature, Tories strike a balance, Liberals strike an attitude, and Labour just strikes.

1994 - from a column in the London Spectator
National Post, The  
The speed with which the phrase 'family values' became a term of sarcastic derision among politicians and policy-makers tells us more about politicians than about families. Far from vanishing quietly into the sunset of inevitable social change, the traditional family is in fact fighting hard to stay intact in the face of official hostility.

Feb. 26, 1999 - from its editorial
... A pro-family policy might even be popular. Almost everyone has a family - even members of non-traditional ones.

Feb. 26, 1999 - from its editorial
Phillips, Melanie
By the time he died in 1952, [American educator John] Dewey was the most influential philosopher in the United States. The intellectual heir to Rousseau, he believed that children had to be taught to discount their culture and tradition, that values had to be invented afresh by every child from its own experience, that children had to think out solutions for themselves and that the teacher had to become as much of a learner as the child. He rejected the idea that the teacher had to impart knowledge; to do so would be to act as a dictator. Subsequently, when he saw the developing chaos in American schools which were implementing his philosophy, he tried to repudiate his own ideas. But the damage was done.

May. 01, 1997 - from her lecture "The Corruption of Liberalism" delivered at the London-based Centre for Policy Studies
Right from the start, liberalism contained the seeds of its own destruction: those many ambiguities and contradictions within its own tradition which have been reflected in the struggle since the 18th century Enlightenment between personal autonomy and social obligations.

May. 01, 1997 - from her lecture "The Corruption of Liberalism" delivered at the London-based Centre for Policy Studies
Reagan, Ronald Wilson
Have we the courage and the will to face up to the immorality and discrimination of the progressive tax, and demand a return to traditional proportionate taxation? ... Today [1964] in our country the tax collector's share is 37 cents of every dollar earned. Freedom has never been so fragile, so close to slipping from our grasp. [The Tax Foundation in the U.S. reported that in 1994 the average share paid in taxes was 49 cents.]

Oct. 27, 1964 - speech at the Republican National Convention
Reisman, George
Economics has powerful implications for ethics. It demonstrates exhaustively that in a division-of-labor, capitalist society, one man's gain is not another man's loss, that, indeed, it is actually other men's gain—especially in the case of the building of great fortunes. In sum, economics demonstrates that the rational self-interests of all men are harmonious. In so doing, economics raises a leading voice against the traditional ethics of altruism and self-sacrifice. It presents society - a division-of-labor, capitalist society - not as an entity over and above the individual, to which he must sacrifice his interests, but as an indispensable means within which the individual can fulfill the ultimate ends of his own personal life and happiness.

1996 - from Capitalism: A Treatise on Economics



Rosenberg, Nathan
It is entirely possible that an exaggerated belief in the capacity of government to enhance economic welfare has created more havoc in the political sphere than in the economic. The nineteenth-century autonomy of the economic sphere reflected a division of labor between political and economic leadership that must seem almost idyllic to modern political leaders who are enmeshed in economic responsibilities that they cannot possibly discharge and who are harassed by their inability to finance and manage the traditional governmental functions. The management of economies entails so much frustration and futility, repeated year after year, that they must eventually exhaust the energies, initiative, morale, and effectiveness of those who attempt it.

1986 - from How The West Grew Rich (with L. E. Birdzell, Jr., Basic Books)
Ross, Kelly L.
The combination of moralism and moral aestheticism [in radical philosophy] thus results from a secular rejection of traditional religion and its morality (the morally aesthetic aspect) together with an unconscious and unreflective revival and adaptation of the religious impulse, in its most dogmatic and irrational forms (the moralistic aspect), to political purposes. The result is an oxymoronic 'secular religion'

from "The Fallacies of Moralism and Moral Aestheticism"
Scott, F.R.  
Too much centralization invites tyranny, too little creates anarchy. Both tyranny and anarchy are a threat to the cultural survival of both the British and French traditions in Canada.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
Scruton, Roger
[In their] life and death struggle for survival [under communist oppression] the Czechs were sustained by their consciousness of history and by their religious and cultural inheritance.

Jul. 21, 1998 - from a article in the London Times
Sobran, Joseph
Today the federal courts arbitrarily redefine and expand federal power, while chipping away the traditionally reserved powers of the states, towns and local school boards. ... The Founders would have recognized it as ‘consolidated government,’ with a conveniently malleable Constitution not as its limiting law, but as one of the instruments of its uncontrolled power.

Sommers, Christina Hoff
We need to bring back the great books and the great ideas. We need to transmit the best of our political and cultural heritage. We need to refrain from cynical attacks against our traditions and institutions. We need to expose the folly of all the schemes for starting from zero.

Mar. 01, 1998 - from an essay in Imprimis
Stevens, John Paul
As a matter of constitutional tradition, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, we presume that governmental regulation of the content of speech is more likely to interfere with the free exchange of ideas than to encourage it. The interest in encouraging freedom of expression in a democratic society outweighs any theoretical but unproven benefit of censorship.

Jun. 26, 1997 - from the majority opinion of the Court, which struck down the Clinton Communications Decency Act that sought to regulate Internet content
Strauss, Leo
Liberal relativism has its roots in the natural right tradition of tolerance or in the notion that everyone has a natural right to the pursuit of happiness as he understands happiness; but in itself it is a seminary of intolerance.

from Natural Right and History
Thatcher, Margaret
... the undermining of our traditional educational systems, which has gone on longer in Britain but which in the New Age of political correctness seems to have gone into overdrive [in North America], is now a grave danger. It threatens the collective memory of our society, from which its habits and even its identity flow. When a Stanford University English professor describes Milton as 'an ass [and] ... a sexist pig,' and when Shakespeare is on the syllabus of Duke University (in the words of another professor) only to illuminate the way seventeenth-century society mistreated women, the working class, and minorities -- we can say that university education is effectively coming to an end.

Dec. 22, 1997 - from a speech at the International Conservative Congress, as quoted in National Review Magazine
I believe politicians must see that religious education has a proper place in the school curriculum. The Christian religion - which, of course, embodies many of the great spiritual and moral truths of Judaism - is a fundamental part of our national heritage. For centuries it has been our very lifeblood. Indeed we are a nation whose ideals are founded on the Bible. Also, it is quite impossible to understand our history or literature without grasping this fact. That is the strong practical case for ensuring that children at school are given adequate instruction in the part which the Judaic-Christian tradition has played in molding our laws, manners, and institution. How can you make sense of Shakespeare and Sir Walter Scott, or of the constitutional conflicts of the seventeenth century in both Scotland and England, without some such knowledge?

May 21, 1988 - from "Christianity and Wealth", a speech to the leaders of the Church of Scotland



Thoreau, Henry David
Every generation laughs at the old fashions, but religiously follows the new.

Unknown
What is new is pleasing and what is old is satisfying.

Cuban proverb
Veith, Gene Edward
Although postmodernists tend to reject traditional morality, they can still be very moralistic. They will defend their “rights” to do what they want with puritanical zeal. Furthermore, they seem to feel that they have a right not to be criticized for what they are doing. They want not only license but approval. Thus tolerance becomes the cardinal virtue. Under the postmodernist way of thinking, the principle of cultural diversity means that every like-minded group constitutes a culture that must be considered as good as any other culture. The postmodernist sins are “being judgmental,” “being narrow-minded,” “thinking that you have the only truth,” and “trying to enforce your values on anyone else.” Those who question the postmodernist dogma that “there are no absolutes” are excluded from the canons of tolerance. The only wrong idea is to believe in truth; the only sin is to believe in sin.

Watson, William  
When late-20th-century interventionists argue that big government and comprehensive social policies are part of Canadian tradition, they mainly betray their belief that Canadian tradition starts sometime in the 1960s. True, they may dip back to the 1880s to cite public financing of the Canadian Pacific Rail as justification for today's interventionist nostrums. But if, inconveniently, the first 75 years of Confederation were typified by general public approval for the idea that people should not become dependent on the state and instead be self-reliant, that part of the Canadian experience is quietly erased from our historical memory. In fact, though pre-Depression notions about social policy may or may not be worthy of emulation, they are inescapably part of our tradition.

Jul. 1999 - from "Canada's hidden history", published in The Next City Magazine
Webster, Daniel
If we and our posterity reject religious instruction and authority, violate the rules of eternal justice, trifle with the injunctions of morality, and recklessly destroy the political constitution which holds us together, no man can tell how sudden a catastrophe may overwhelm us, that shall bury all our glory in profound obscurity.

Wong, Eva
Persons who are not in touch with their tradition are like weeds blown by the wind.