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132 of 6,095 quotations related to Canada, showing Adams to Matthews

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Adams, Michael  
North of the 49th parallel we value equality, south of it, they treasure freedom.

1997 - from Sex in the Snow
Allen, Ralph  
No matter what we choose to say of it, Canada is a whole series of accidents. If it should expire in its present form the world would survive and so, almost certainly, would Canada's separate parts. I don't expect my children to suffer much if Quebec should withdraw or Canada withdraw from Quebec. ... Yet it's been a lovely place to grow up in, whether it was an accident or not.

1967 - from The Man From Oxbow
Amiel, Barbara  
You're considered to have a rare kind of social disease if you espouse neo-conservative ideas in Canada.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
[In the 1970's] Canadian intellectuals adopted prisoners of conscience in South Africa. They took holidays in Cuba. A ... psychoanalyst could make quick work of this. Rich, powerful America was Castro's fiercest opponent. Canada has always been a reliable ally of the US, but any opportunity to show its independence from its southern neighbour brings on a patriotic boomlet. ... If America was trying to keep the bubonic plague out of its hemisphere, Canadians would import it just to show their independence of American foreign policy.

1997 - from a column in the Daily Telegraph of London
Angell, Norman
God has made Canada one of those nations which cannot be conquered and cannot be destroyed, except by itself.

1913 - from "Canada's Best Service for British Ideals"
Arscott, W. Hugh  
Canada is divided by great mountains, great prairies, Great Lakes, and eleven governments that really grate.

1998 - from Hugh's Views Volume I, quoted in Famous Lasting Words by John Robert Columbo
Ashburton, Lord
I wish the British Government would give you Canada at once. It is fit for nothing but to breed quarrels.

Atwood, Margaret  
If the national mental illness of the United States is megalomania that of Canada is paranoid schizophrenia.

Barrett, Matthew  
[Separatism] If you are not moved to preserve Canada for reasons of the soul, you should, at the least, preserve it for reasons of the pocket.

1991
Bibby, Reginald W.  
In Canada, the time has come to address a centrally important question. If what we have in common is our diversity, do we really have anything in common at all?

1990 - from Mosaic Madness: The Poverty and Potential of Life in Canada



Black, Conrad Moffat  
It is... one of the well-springs of the pervasive Canadian spirit of envy that the success of a person implies the failure or exploitation of someone else. ... The destructive fixation of the envious English-Canadian mind requires that the highest, happiest, most agile flyers be laid low. [It is] a sadistic desire corroded by soul-destroying envy, to intimidate all those who might aspire to anything the slightest exceptional.

1993 - from A Life in Progress
'Caring and compassion' really meant socialism, wealth confiscation and redistribution, taking money from people who had earned it and giving it to people who had not earned it in exchange for their votes and in the name of fairness. Here, truly, Canada has vastly exceeded the United States... 'Caring and compassion,' however well-intentioned, would more accurately be called plundering and bribery... For decades, too many of our business leaders mouthed self-reliant and ruggedly individualistic platitudes while lining up for government preferments like the locusts of feminism and multiculturalism, and the kleptocracy of organized labor.

May 22, 1992 - from a column in the Financial Post
Canada effectively created a political ethos of official pandering and a society of addicts to government largesse... Each new category arose, became vocal, and was pandered to... Native people have a federal government department whose budget is now over $12,000 for every designated man, woman and child in the country.

May 22, 1992 - from a column in the Financial Post
Canada, whose distinctiveness from the northern American states is fairly tenuous, has lost no additional sovereignty after entering into the free trade agreement that resulted in over 40% of Canada's G.N.P. being derived from trade with the US. This is more than four times the percentage of British GNP taken up by trade with the EU, but Canada suffers none of the jurisdictional intrusions that are routine in the British march to Eurofederalism.

Jul. 09, 1998 - from his lecture "Britain's Final Choice, Europe or America", delivered at the London-based Center for Policy Studies
Borovoy, Alan  
In Canada we don't ban demonstrations, we re-route them.

Boulding, Kenneth
Canada has no cultural unity, no linguistic unity, no religious unity, no economic unity, no geographic unity. All it has is unity.

Boyer, Patrick  
Canada has remained a timid democracy. The establishment that has run our country has proceeded comfortably - not always in the interests of the people, nor indeed of the country itself - supported by Canadians' deference to authority and a strange willingness to be passive spectators in our own land. We have become what anthropologists call 'participant observers'.

1992 - from The People's Mandate, Referendums and a More Democratic Canada
... referendums and plebiscites are not meant to replace parliamentary rule, but rather to enhance it. Our system of government depends, ultimately, upon the consent of the people being governed. Canada is not a dictatorship where tyrannical force is used to obtain public acquiescence in the measures and programs of the government. Nor is it a theocracy where we follow the dictates of our leadership because of blindly obedient religious faith. Ours is a democracy where, at the end of the day, there simply must be public consensus about where we are going, and general agreement on how to get there. Without consent the whole elaborate superstructure - the legislatures, the courts, the financial system, the commercial marketplace, the acceptance of laws and norms of behaviour - will corrode until it collapses.

1992 - from The People's Mandate, Referendums and a More Democratic Canada
Brebner, J. Bartlett
Americans are benevolently ignorant about Canada, while Canadians are malevolently well informed about the United States.

1945 - from North Atlantic Triangle, the Interplay of Canada, the United States and Great Britain
Perhaps the most striking thing about Canada is that it is not part of the United States.




Broadfoot, Dave  
Canada is a collection of ten provinces with strong governments loosely connected by fear.

Brock, J.D.L.  
Canada faces a crisis and an opportunity. The Trans-Canada engine of the centralist regime is chugging its last, and the provinces have not been appeased. The push for legislative union, as old as the idea of a Canadian state and as new as the Charter, has failed. The ideology of regulation has confused centralism with federalism, and federalism with Liberalism... As a country, we must rediscover the meaning of federalism.

Nov. 01, 1998 - from The Pith Review
We find ourselves today unable to speak, except in the language of Liberal myths: the English Canadian, the Canadian nation, the problem of Quebec, the alienation of the West. There is no such thing as an English Canadian; Canada is a Confederation not a Union; there is no problem with Quebec, but with the rest of the country which refuses to believe that federal provinces are supposed to be sovereign; the West is not alienated from Ottawa, but Ottawa is alienated from the West,

Nov. 01, 1998 - from The Pith Review
Cable, Howard  
The beaver is a good national symbol for Canada. He's so busy chewing he can't see what's going on.

Callwood, June  
The beaver, which has come to represent Canada as the eagle does the United States and the lion Britain, is a flat-tailed, slow-witted, toothy rodent known to bite off its own testicles or to stand under its own falling trees.

Camp, Dalton  
The essentials of Canadian politics are few: the system needs enough good men to make it work and enough fools to make it interesting. Of all the parties, none is more interesting than the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
Canadian Broadcast Standards Council  
 [Description of homosexuals as 'abnormal' is] of a critical and discriminatory (although not abusively discriminatory) nature. ... In Canada we respect freedom of speech but we do not worship it.

May 10, 2000 - from a statement censuring popular radio host Laura Schlessinger, as quoted in the National Post
Chrétien, Jean  
 [Government social engineering in northern Canada] gives us a chance to build the kind of society we want, without repeating the mistakes of the past.

1970 - quoted in Trade Secrets by Pat Carney, when Chrétien was Minister of Indian Affairs
Churchill, Sir Winston
Canada is the linchpin of the English-speaking world. Canada, with those relations of friendly, affectionate intimacy with the United States on the one hand and with her unswerving fidelity to the British Commonwealth and the Motherland on the other, is the link which joins together these great branches of the human family, a link which, spanning the oceans, brings the continents into their true relation and will prevent in future generations any growth of division between the proud and the happy nations of Europe and the great countries which have come into existence in the New World.

Sep. 4, 1941 - from a speech at a luncheon honouring Canadian prime minister MacKenzie King
Clarkson, Adrienne  
 I sometimes characterize Canadians as a sullen people addicted to doing good.

Oct. 14, 1999 - in an interview on CBC television, quoted in Famous Lasting Words by John Robert Columbo



 I think in the world today there isn't a situation like this, with somebody in my place and somebody in hers. Because of this uniqueness, because of our being women, I think that Canada is very well assured to go into the 21st century looking ahead and doing the right thing.

Jan. 12, 2000 - from remarks at the swearing-in ceremony of female Chief Justice Beverly McLachlin of the Supreme Court, quoted in the National Post
Columbo, John Robert  
Canada could have enjoyed: English government, French culture, and American know-how. Instead it ended up with: English know-how, French government, and American culture.

from Oh Canada
Coyne, Andrew  
The Liberals are a party with a built-in common denominator: power. Those who love power, who are used to power, and who are willing to do without certain things - principles, conscience, personal dignity - for power are inevitably drawn to the Natural Governing Party. Opposition parties in Canada are hence at an automatic disadvantage. As they are necessarily coalitions of vastly different groups who, for one reason or another, have been excluded from power, they will be forever beset by fractiousness. They can only be unified by a common enemy, that is by a Liberal party that has become so corrupt, so doctrinaire, so bloated with power as to persuade the oppositions warring factions to drop their differences long enough to defeat them.

Jan. 24, 2000 - from a column in the National Post
Creighton, Donald  
[Canada] Well, it is still a good place to live. But that's all Canada is - just a good place to live. Canadians have lost their destiny, you know.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
Crombie, David  
Canadians live with liberal rhetoric, but we conduct our lives as social conservatives.

1982 - quoted in Radical Tories, by Charles Taylor
Davies, Robertson  
We [Canadians] don't go for heroes. As soon as a man begins to achieve some sort of high stature, we want to cut him down and get rid of him, embarrass him.

Dec. 15, 1994 - quoted in the New York Times
I am convinced that Canada has a soul, and should get on better terms with it, because at the moment it is a sadly neglected aspect of our inheritance.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
Let me confess at once that I think Canada has a soul, but it is a battered child among souls; it needs nourishment, exercise, and fresh air, and, above all, love, if it is to reach maturity.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
Everybody says Canada is a hard country to govern, but nobody mentions that for some people it's a hard country to live in. Still, if we all run away, it will never be any better. So let the geniuses of easy virtue go southward; I know what they feel too well to blame them. But for some of us there is no choice; let Canada do what she will with us, we must stay.

from his play Fortune, My Foe
I once had a dispute with a group of Swedish professors at the University of Uppsala as to which country, Sweden or Canada, was the dullest in the world. It was a draw; they claimed superiority because of their long history, and I claimed it because of Canada's immense land mass, which gives us space for tremendous expansion, even of such things as dullness.

from Opera and Humour



Sometimes for us in Canada it seems as though the United States and the United Kingdom were cup and saucer, and Canada the spoon, for we are in and out of both with the greatest freedom, and we are given most recognition when we are most a nuisance.

Sep. 1990 - from A Voice from the Attic
de Gaulle, Charles
 There can be no question of my addressing a message to Canada to celebrate its centennial. We can have good relations. We must have excellent relations with French Canada. But we are not obliged to offer congratulations for the creation of a state based on our past defeat and on the integration of part of the French people into a British system.

Dec. 09, 1966 - from his response to a Canadian request for a message for Canada's centennial celebrations
Beneath the warmth of its welcome and the impressive façade of its economic achievement, Canada could not conceal from me the weaknesses of its structure and situation.

1970 - from Memoirs of Hope, quoted in Famous Lasting Words by John Robert Columbo
Diefenbaker, John George  
There can be no dedication to Canada's future without a knowledge of its past.

Oct. 9, 1964 - quoted in the Toronto Star newspaper
Dobbs, Kildare  
Canada is a society, rather than a nation. ... There is no central and controlling myth to focus Canadian diversity and foster its distinctiveness: the Crown, which in theory symbolizes the State, is an absentee landlord.

1964 - from the introduction to Canada
Edinborough, Arnold  
Canada has never been a melting-pot; more like a tossed salad.

Elson, Robert T.
Canada - a triumph of politics over geography and economics - and sometimes it seems over common sense.

Finlay, J. Richard  
[Canadians] ... we are content to elect a prime minister with the appointment powers of an autocrat for the duration of his term. It is a curious anomaly of an otherwise sensible people in accepting such an archaic governance system. Louis himself couldn't have asked for anything more.

Nov. 15, 2000 - from Our Prime Minister Has Too Much Power
Fonte, John
Increasingly Western elites are calling for an expansion of the meaning of democracy. In Canada, McGill University philosopher Charles Taylor deplores 'the dynamics of democratic exclusion' and calls for a modification of the 'reigning formula' of traditional liberal democracy by recognizing the cultures and perspectives of minorities, women and immigrants as the basis for a new vision. In America, a leading educator, James Banks, declares that 'to create an authentic democratic unum with moral authority and perceived legitimacy, the pluribus (diverse peoples) must negotiate and share power.' ... What is going on here?

Jun. 19, 1999 - from his essay "Back to the future", published in the National Post newspaper, Toronto
Francis, Diane  
About 30% of immigrants who come to Canada each year are sponsored. Agreements are that they will support them for up to 10 years. One Immigration spokesman guessed that at least 10% of sponsors default, but no one knows for sure. Ontario got 120,000 of the 236,000 immigrants in 1996 and ended up with a huge tab. Its Social Services Ministry spends up to $160-million a year supporting 17,000 welfare recipients whose sponsors have reneged.

Oct. 16, 1999 - from "Immigrant Boondoggles", published in the Financial Post



Fulford, Robert  
My generation of Canadians grew up believing that, if we were very good or very smart, or both, we would someday graduate from Canada.

Oct. 1970 - from Saturday Night Magazine
George, Chief Dan  
One of these days every person in Canada will be a Canadian.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
Gibbons, Roger  
... Prime Minister [Jean Chretien] has achieved for Quebec what the majority of Quebec nationalists have sought for the past 30 years - a distinct position within the Canadian federal system in which Quebec is not a province like the others but rather has the de facto status of a separate national community, dealing one-on-one with the government of Canada. This has been achieved, moreover, with no loss of political power in Ottawa. The new 9-1-1 form of federalism, in which the nine provinces other than Quebec negotiate as a group with Ottawa, which then negotiates bilaterally with Quebec, is reinforced by partisan dynamics. Quebec is not necessarily hurt in the division of spoils by the leverage provided by the ongoing threat of separation, and it is this threat that helps maintain the Liberal party's lock on national office. So long as the threat exists, the Liberals can run as the one national party that can hold the country together, just as the PQ can run as the party best able to ward off encroachments from Ottawa. It can be argued that this new model of federalism can only be sustained by a prime minister from Quebec, and here the Liberals hold all the trumps.

Feb. 1999 - from "Taking Stock: Canadian Federalism and Its Constitutional Framework", published in How Ottawa Spends: 1999-2000, edited by Leslie Pal
Gordon, Walter  
Canada is like a farmer who maintains his high standard of living by selling off another piece of the farm every spring.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
Granatstein, J.L.  
The values and traditions of Canadian life should be force-fed to [immigrants]; history should be explained in ways that demonstrate how and why we have regularly settled our disputes without force, how our political system has functioned, and why we have on many occasions gone to war or joined alliances, not for aggressive reasons, but to protect our democratic ideals. Those are the reasons immigrants come here, after all. But do we teach this past to our newcomers? Not a chance. ... Instead the history that is taught focuses on Canada's many sins: Canadian racism, Canadian sexism, Canadian abuses of human and civil rights - these are all studied at length in a well-intentioned, but misguided, attempt to educate children about the need for tolerance.

Aug. 28, 1999 - from "A politically correct history leads to a distorted past and a bleak future", published in the National Post newspaper
Gratzer, David  
Canada might not be a country of distinct culture or identity. Much of the last three decades we defined ourselves by what we opposed (Quebec sovereignty) and what we weren't (Americans). For this reason, we embraced a huge, intrusive welfare state - one that dictated language policy like bilingualism, regional transfers, and social programs. We attempted to social engineer ourselves into a post-colonial nation. Compassion and accommodation became the buzz words of the body politic; deficits and inflation, the fiscal realities of the policies.

Dec. 19, 1999 - from his column in the Halifax Herald
Grubel, Herbert  
The collapse of the Soviet Union has revealed that the officially pronounced superior economic performance of central planning was a sham. The miracle of Sweden’s economic and social performance has lost its luster with the release of recent statistics. In 1960, Sweden’s per capita income was 6 percent higher than that of Canada. In 1995, Sweden's per capita income was 14 percent lower than Canada's. Unemployment in Sweden has become a persistent problem. (see Lindbeck 1997). Japan’s stagnating economy of the 1990s is seen by many as evidence of the pitfalls of national industrial strategies.

Sep. 01, 1998 - from "Economic Freedom and Human Welfare: Some Empirical Findings", an essay published in The Cato Journal, Fall 1998
Gunter, Lorne  
The social union, largely negotiated away from the harsh light of public scrutiny, is nothing more than a political agreement... Witness the way it was sprung on Canadians full-grown. Having seen the last two efforts to alter profoundly the Canadian federation -- Meech and Charlottetown -- spin into the ground once the public had examined the details (and take several political careers with them), the leaders of Canada's 13 most senior governments chose to disguise their current effort as a simple federal-provincial cost-sharing agreement (Nothing of interest here citizens, please move along), and to reveal it only after the ink was dry (Too late folks; fait accompli).

Mar. 04, 1999 - from an essay for The Canadian Conservative Forum
Ottawa spends millions annually subsidizing NGO [non-governmental organization] research on which provisions Canada should demand at [United Nations policy committees], an extraordinary sum considering NGO research often consists mostly of quoting the opinions of other NGOs, and being quoted by them, in a sort of circular celebration of non-proof.

Aug. 30, 1999 - from "Playing with the world's agenda", published in the National Post newspaper
This fall, Canada must submit its regular, five-year report on its compliance with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Despite widespread support for it among the international establishment, the convention is controversial since its provisions would appear to grant governments and international agencies the right to provide sex education, contraceptives, abortion counselling and abortions, and sexual orientation counselling to minor children, even if the children's parent object.

Aug. 30, 1999 - from "Playing with the world's agenda", published in the National Post newspaper



There is a danger of sounding Milhousian any time one seeks to pin nefarious global ambitions on the United Nations or its supporters. So let's be clear up front: The black helicopter crowd is wrong. The UN and the [non-governmental organizations] are not conspiring with the Bilderbergers, under the supervision of the Masons and the Trilateral Commission, to enslave the globe. To be sure, there are plenty of globalist dreamers among the ranks of the NGOs. ... But why would NGO executives want to take over the world? The governments of the industrialized democracies, and in particular the government of Canada, have proven themselves enthusiastic partners, heavily subsidizing NGO activities and affording these organizations easy access to the corridors of power where national priorities are set.

Aug. 28, 1999 - from "Whose world is it, anyway?", published in the National Post newspaper
[Re: the Canadian Supreme Court's reversal of its own two-month-old decision on Mi'kmaq fishing rights] Laws are meant to be greater than the men and women who write and administer them. Such a rule of law preserves individual rights and freedoms from the ideological fashion of the times, from the grasping government of the day and, in extreme cases, from tyrants. If our laws are merely what the Supreme Court say they are on any given day, subject to change without notice, then Canada has ceased to be a nation governed by laws and has become a nation governed by judicial fiat.

Nov. 21, 1999 - from his column in the Edmonton Journal
At the beginning of [former prime minister Pierre] Trudeau's career in federal politics, Canada was a nation governed largely by consensus. By the end, it had been transformed into a nation where everything -- politics, relations between the sexes, individual rights, court decisions, and so on -- everything, was about politics: Who had the power, and who could use it to force their ideas upon all the others.

Oct. 1, 2000 - from his column in The Edmonton Journal
Gwyn, Richard  
Multiculturalism indeed may decay into multinationalism, and Canada will lose all sense of being a collective community.

Mar. 7, 1993 - from his column in the Toronto Star
Holmes, John W.  
It is still Canada's problem to convince foreigners - and to some extent its own people - that it is for real.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
Hunter, Ian  
From Regina v. Morgentaler (Jan. 28, 1988), when at the stroke of a judicial pen Canada had no abortion law, to this day, the Supreme Court has reduced moral issues to consumer choices...

Jan. 01, 1998 - quoted in an interview published in The Interim, an online journal
To put my point bluntly: in 1982 Canada ceased to be governed by parliamentary supremacy and instead became a country of constitutional supremacy. Well, constitutional supremacy sounds fine; what's wrong with that? What's wrong is that constitutions are not self-interpreting. They require to be interpreted. The interpretation function falls to an unelected judiciary, finally to the nine judges of the Supreme Court of Canada.

Nov. 1998 - from "From Christian Virtues to Judicial Values", his George Goth Memorial Lecture
When Canadians allow fundamental issues of public policy -- such as abortion, euthanasia, or whether possession of child pornography should be a crime -- to be decided by courts, rather than by Parliament, they are shrugging off the perhaps now irksome burden of self-government. At bottom, democracy is anti-authoritarian, not because it arrives at correct, or even principled, conclusions, but because it imposes on everyone the burden of thinking and deciding for oneself. How much easier to allow the nine philosopher-kings on the Supreme Court of Canada to think and decide for us.

Feb. 23, 1999 - from "Democracy and its discontents", published in the National Post newspaper
Jenkinson, Michael  
Canada's official statistics gathering agency announced ... that beginning in 1998, it will no longer conduct annual counts of marriages and divorces. That move has persuaded sceptics that the agency is using budget cuts to further an anti-family political agenda.

Jul. 22, 1996 - from "In the eyes of God, but not of Ottawa", Alberta Report
Jonas, George  
... our law is not gender blind, or race blind any longer. Indeed, it's not blind to many other expediencies of the result-oriented state. It's quite true that under the pressure of statist forces, including radical feminists, Canada has snatched the blindfold from the Goddess of Justice. This precisely is the problem. This is how our system is coming to resemble fascism and communism.

Mar. 20, 1999 - from "Some more equal than others? Pshaw!", published in the National Post newspaper



[Former liberal prime minister of Canada Pierre Elliot] Trudeau suffered from the same statist illusions that affected some of the finest minds of our century. Certain errors require high IQ's. In our times many clever people became mesmerized with the notion that socialism (or at least a form of corporate statism) was the wave of the future. Mr. Trudeau was no exception. He was deeply suspicious of some European traditions, especially the homogenous nation-state, but quite open to many of Europe's most baneful influences, from leftish fads to autocracy.

Oct. 18, 1999 - from "Left wing, charming, and wrong", published in the National Post newspaper
[Former liberal prime minister of Canada Pierre Elliot] Trudeau's vision of Canada as a sheltered multicultural workshop ruled by philosopher princes, policed by human rights commissions and run by assorted social engineers has dominated our country for the last 31 years under both political parties. He must, therefore, take his share of the blame for our high taxes, shrinking dollar, stubborn unemployment, crumbling social services, continuing bi- and multicultural hostilities, gender-warfare, declining family values and diminishing civil liberties.

Oct. 18, 1999 - from "Left wing, charming, and wrong", published in the National Post newspaper
I'm part of Canada's 'multicultural reality.' I can confidently say that the immigrants I've known ­ and I have known many ­ had no difficulty swearing an oath of loyalty to the Queen. On the contrary. We came to Canada precisely because we liked, and wanted to adopt, the tradition that the Queen symbolized to us: Individual freedom, liberal democracy and the rule of law. It was indeed a 'British' tradition, because... it existed in few places outside of Great Britain and countries that have elected to model their systems after the best British institutions.

Aug. 1, 1999 - from "May the Queen preserve us", published in the Montreal Gazette newspaper
Assume you're a feminist. To further your political objective, which is to secure advantages for your group, you need to replace a liberal principle, namely equality, with an illiberal principle, to wit, inequality. It would be bad form for you to say so, of course, but that's not all. In an essentially liberal society such as Canada, pushing inequality would be useless. It simply wouldn't fly. But what if you stuck an adjective -- say, 'formal' -- in front of the word 'equality'? Then you could contrast 'formal equality' with a newly minted concept for inequality that sounded better -- say, 'substantive equality.' Now you're on track. While you couldn't sell the idea of replacing equality with inequality, replacing 'formal equality' with 'substantive equality' might have legs. Presto, the feminist party line.

Mar. 20, 1999 - from "Some more equal than others? Pshaw!", published in the National Post newspaper
Most Canadians who said "no" to Meech Lake and later to Charlottetown [both doomed constitutional proposals of the Mulroney Tory government] weren't rejecting either French Canada or unity. They were merely refusing to carve group politics into stone. They were saying no to a country whose people draw their identities not from being citizens but from belonging to this or that "distinct" tribe, this or that race, this or that income bracket, or even this or that sex or sexual orientation. People said no to replacing Canada with a patchwork of inward-looking, hostile fragments: Francos and Anglos, whites and blacks, immigrants and natives, perhaps even men and women - strangers who co-exist in a state of uneasy truce like passengers on a subway train, sharing a destination but no destiny.

Oct. 16, 2000 - from "The evil men do lives after them", published in the National Post
It's possible to quantify the economic results of [former Prime Minister Pierre] Trudeau's legacy of Big Government ... The national debt grew from $11.3 billion in 1968 to $128 billion in 1984. The annual federal deficit went from zero to $25 billion. Ottawa's spending rose from 30% of Canada's total economic output to nearly 53%; our dollar plummeted from around US$1.06 to 66 cents today. The unemployment rate has been running between three and five percentage points higher here than in the United States, and Canada reduced itself from being one of the world's three richest nations 30 years ago (along with Switzerland and the U.S.) to one of the three leading debtor nations in the West, alongside Belgium and Italy.

Oct. 16, 2000 - from "The evil men do lives after them", published in the National Post
Keate, Stuart  
In any world menu, Canada must be considered the vichyssoise of nations--it's cold, half-French, and difficult to stir.

Kennedy, John F.
[Canada and the United States] Geography has made us neighbors. History has made us friends. Economics has made us partners. And necessity has made us allies. Those whom nature hath so joined together, let no man put asunder.

May 17, 1961 - from his address to the Canadian Parliament
Laurier, Sir Wilfrid  
This [Canada] is a hard country to govern.

1905 - in conversation to Sir John Nillison
Canada has been modest in its history, in my estimation, is only commencing. ... I think we can claim that Canada will fill the twentieth century.

Jan. 18, 1904



Leishman, Rory  
The poverty standard used by the National Council of Welfare ... rises with average incomes so that by the council's cockeyed reckoning, the current poverty line for a family of four living in a major urban area is more than $33,000, up from less than $20,000, after adjusting for inflation, in 1960. By this ever-rising measure, it's certain the poor will always be with us. Christopher Sarlo points out in Poverty In Canada that most Canadians deemed impoverished by the council enjoy a higher living standard than the average just a few decades ago. Thus, while fewer than half of Canadian households had a mechanical refrigerator in 1951, by 1989, 99 per cent of households living below the National Council of Welfare's poverty line had such a refrigerator, 62 per cent had cable television and 50 per cent had at least one automobile.

Dec. 17, 1999 - from "Major hike in welfare benefits would do more harm than good", published in the London Free Press
Canadian constitutional scholars used to view the excesses of American judge-politicians with smug condescension, noting that Canadian courts would never second guess the wisdom of a statute that had been duly enacted into law by elected representatives of the Canadian people. Unfortunately, scholars can no longer make such statements. Since the Charter of Rights and Freedoms was incorporated into our Constitution in 1982, the Supreme Court of Canada has routinely struck down laws enacted by Parliament or a provincial legislature on grounds of policy, amended statutory laws from the bench, ignored the law altogether, and told legislators what laws to enact. In the past, such high-handed judicial encroachments by non-elected Canadian judges were unthinkable. Today, the inconceivable has become routine.

1998 - from "Robed dictators", published in The Next City Magazine
... the Supreme Court of Canada set an astonishing precedent [in its 1990 Schacter decision] by asserting that the Charter has empowered the courts to read new provisions into a statute law if, in the court's opinion, the change is necessary to make the law conform to the Charter.

1998 - from "Robed dictators", published in The Next City Magazine
Would elimination of [film production subsidies by governments] deal a mortal blow to film and television production in Canada? Surely not. Canadian film and television workers enjoy a huge competitive advantage in the form of a Canadian dollar that is worth less than 70 cents U.S. To insist that these talented Canadian workers should also benefit from unfair subsidies for foreign-content productions at the expense of other Canadian taxpayers makes no economic or moral sense.

Aug. 21, 1999 - from "Film-production subsidy war looming with the United States", published in the Financial Post
Unlike libel, slander and the anti-hate law provisions of the criminal code, truth is not a defence against a charge of violating the bans on statements expressing hatred or contempt for members of protected groups in the Canadian or Alberta human rights codes. Furthermore, the Supreme Court of Canada -- the most fearsomely oppressive institution in Canada today -- has decreed that the absence of truth as a defence in these codes does not violate the guarantee of freedom of expression in Section 2 of the Charter.

Apr. 24, 1999 - from "'Civil Rights' Trump Free Speech in Canada", a presentation to the Civitas National Conference, Toronto
Lewis, Wyndham  
[Canada] The most parochial nationette on earth.

Dec. 1996 - quoted by C.J. Fox in The Beaver
Loney, Martin  
The lack of any convincing evidence that racial minorities or women experienced the contemporary systemic discrimination so frequently claimed on their behalf raises ... questions. How did an industry based on a proverbial stack of cards become so well entrenched? How did Canada, a country which on any international scale appears to enjoy considerable racial harmony, come to be portrayed as profoundly racist, a country in which colour is said to be the defining issue in the life experience of every visible minority? The search for answers leads time and again to the action of politicians and bureaucrats in endorsing the agenda of politics based on group identity.

1998 - from The Pursuit of Division: Race, Gender, and Preferential Hiring in Canada
Preferential hiring advocates regale Canadians with specious comparisons betweeen men's and women's earnings with ... scant regard for whether apples are being compared with apples. The leaders of the movement, women in their mid-thirties and beyond, might be thought representative of a group that has experienced some marked hardship. In contrast, they represent the only group in the Canadian labour force that can boast striking gains. For many Canadians the last two decades have seen little progress in earnings, with any gains quickly absorbed by tax increases; some have experienced a sharp fall in earnings. A study reported in the Statistics Canada's Canadian Economic Observer (October 1997) highlighted the marked decline in income ... In contrast, the group categorized as "Prime Women" (aged 35 to 54) recorded large increases in employment and striking increases in earnings.

1998 - from The Pursuit of Division: Race, Gender, and Preferential Hiring in Canada
The race industry enthusiastically supports the collection of extensive racial data with one striking exception - crime data. This allows the discussion about ethnicity and crime to proceed unencumbered by basic facts. ... Some sources of information do provide insight into the involvement of individuals from different ethnic backgrounds in crime and they suggest that, far from racializing crime, the media reflect real concerns. The Criminal Intelligence Service of Canada, in it's 1997 report on organized crime, noted the role of Jamaican Posse's in the distribution of crack cocaine in Southern Ontario. The Rae Government's Commission on Systemic Racism showed black adults were admitted to prison at five times the rate of white adults, but that Asians were admitted at only half the rate of white adults. The disparity in some offences was striking: The black-white ratio for drug trafficing and importing was twenty-two to one, for weapons offenses, black-white remand rates were nine to one. The race industry claims such figures result from differential policing, but black admisions for drinking and driving offences, a charge in which the police have considerable discretion, are half those of whites.

Oct. 2, 1999 - from "Reporting on the Colour of Crime", published in the National Post
The proposition that women in the federal public service experience pervasive discrimination should have been laid to rest in 1990 with the publication of the report of a task force set up by Pat Carney, then Treasury Board secretary. The task force -- specifically charged with finding evidence of discrimination, staffed by feminists, and supported by a multi-million-dollar budget -- failed to deliver the goods. In contrast to the mysterious practices of pay equity experts, Statistics Canada provided the task force with the results of cohort studies that asked a straightforward question: Do women in similar occupations, with the same age and length of service as men, receive smaller pay increases over the years? The studies revealed no such pattern.

Oct. 20, 1999 - from "Equity ruling shows courts in grip of radical feminism", published in the National Post



MacDonald, John A.  
Canada is a hard country to govern.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
Mackasey, Bryce  
I happen to believe in a Canada where profits is not a dirty word. Without profits, there would be no money for social reforms.

quoted in Columbo's New Canadian Quotations by John Robert Columbo
MacPherson, C.B.  
We are supposed to have a rwo-or three -party system in Canada, yet one party has been in office, with only two intervals, ever since 1896, and continuously since 1935. This has led one observer to speak of Canada as a one-party state, and to attribute the phenomenon to the skill of the Liberal party in representing the lowest common denominator of political opinion in a country with an unusual dispersion of racial, religious, and sectional interests. The one party, it is said, has been so successful at this that it is now widely considered to be the only party able to form a government; consequently, the greater the threat that it may lose an election, the more voters rally to it from protest parties.

1952 - from Democracy In Alberta: Social Credit and the Party System
Manning, Preston  
If subsequent generations of politicians had left the problem of French-English tension within the provincial confines to which the Fathers of Confederation had relegated it, and expanded and built upon the new foundation of Canada as a federation of provinces rather than a federation of founding peoples, Canada might not be in the dilemma it is today.

In the case of Canada's aboriginal peoples, special status in federal law based on race has been the governing principle since before Confederation. Surely no one would argue that this approach has led to the social, economic, or cultural benefit of aboriginal Canadians. It has been an unmitigated disaster.

A revolutionary should neither look or act like one to get ahead in Canada.

1995 - quoted in The Canadian Revolution, by Peter Newman
Martin, Roger  
... the [Chretien] Liberal government ... has presided over the worst decade in living memory for Canada's relative prosperity. After many decades occupying third place in the world in gross domestic product per capita ... Canada slipped to the fifth spot in 1991. We have vacillated between fifth and seventh ever since. Ireland, which in 1987 had half our standard of living, is set to become a more prosperous county than Canada in 2000. Canadians have long consoled themselves by characterizing the U.S. as sacrificing socal spending in order to create high levels of wealth. Now we must face the fact that the wealthy U.S. is spending more per capita on social programs than Canada does.

Feb. 28, 2000 - from "How to Judge the Budget", published in TIME magazine
Massey, Vincent  
I believe in Canada, with pride in her past, belief in her present and faith in her future.

1948 - from his book On Being Canadian (1948)
Matthews, Robin  
Inside Canada ideologies contend with so much continuity that many Canadians often fail to see the outlines of the differences.

from "Ideology in Canada" in Canadian Foundations, published by the Open Learning Agency
Fundamental ideological structures in a society are rarely changed - unless by violent revolutionary overthrow - once they have taken shape ... people who gain state power through the predominance of one political ideology are loath to see the free and healthy development of ideologies that question existing predominance ... The fact that radical ideological change may result in instability is not only a fact, it is a political weapon used to support injustice and to maintain the dominant ideology. In many cases instability is forced upon what otherwise would be fairly peaceable ideological transitions.

from "Ideology in Canada" in Canadian Foundations, published by the Open Learning Agency